Kalibangan, Binjor Indus Script metalwork catalogues, yūpa, yaṣṭi and axis mundi

December 28, 2015


Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hj7j52w

yūpa, yaṣṭi and axis mundi

This monograph explains the archaeological finds of fire-altars in Kalibangan and Binjor, both sites on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati in the context of the Vedic tradition as explained in Vedic texts.

kalibanganKalibangan yūpa, yaṣṭikalibanganterracottaKalibangan Indus Script inscription meDha ‘post, stake’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ kola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ kolhe ‘smelter’ bhaTa ‘warrior’ rebus: bhaTa ‘furnace’ koD ‘horn’ rebus: koD ‘workshop’ kuThI ‘twig’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’.

binjorBinjor yūpa, yaṣṭi (octagonal) aṣṭāśrir yūpo bhavati (śat. Br. V.2.1.5)

Binjor seal with Indus Script inscription. http://tinyurl.com/z2q2rk6

Binjor octagonal brick as a skambha, pillar mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī — f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī — f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī — f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī — , mēṭī — f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi — f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi — m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï — dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi — m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post — hole ʼ see kūpa — 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika — ; mēthiṣṭhá — . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí — ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí — , stha — ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319)

The Binjor seal inscription has been dciphered as a metalwork catalogue — a collection of implements from a smithy/smelter workshop:

Binjor Seal Text.

Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)

gaNDa ‘four’ Rebus: khaNDa ‘metal implements’ Together with cognate ancu ‘iron’ the message is: native metal implements.

Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaNDa ‘metallic iron alloy implements’.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa

करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka — m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu — , karkaṭu — m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu — , °ēṭavya — , °ēḍuka — m. lex., karaṇḍa2 — m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava — ]Pk. karaḍa — m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā — f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa — ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā ‘hard alloy’

Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: ‘metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop’ PLUS the hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:

kõda ‘young bull, bull-calf’ rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary’; kundār ‘turner’.

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ ‘lathe’.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara ‘proclamation.

Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of)  ‘metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop’ .

An exposition by Sadhashiv A Dange: “the yūpa is described as being the emblem of the sacrifice (RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu). Though it is fixed on the terrestrial plane at the sacrifice, it is expected to reach the path of the gods. Thus, about the many sacrificial poles (fixed in the Paśubandha, or at the Horse-sacrifice) it is said that they actually provide the path for reaching the gods (ib., 9 devānām api yanti pāthah). They are invoked to carry the oferings to the gods (ib., 7 te no vyantu vāryam devatrā), which is the prerogative of the fire-god who is acclaiemd as ‘messenger’ (dūta); cf. RV I.12.1 agrim dūtam vṛṇimahe). In what way is the yūpa expected to carry the chosen offering to the gods? It is when the victim is tied to the sacrificial pole. The prallelism between the sacrificial fire and the yūpa is clear. The fire carries it through the smoke and flames; the yūpa is believed to carry it before that, when the victim is tied to it, as its upper end is believed to touch heaven. A more vivid picture obtains at the yajapeya. Here the yūpa is eight-angled, corresponding to the eight qurters. (śat. Br. V.2.1.5 aṣṭāśrir yūpo bhavati; the reason given is that the metre Gayatri has eight letters in one foot; not applicable here, as it is just hackneyed. At Taitt.Sam. I.7.9.1, in this context a four-angled yūpa is prescribed.) The one yūpa is conceived as touching three worlds: Heaven, Earth and the nether subterranean. The portion that is above the caṣāla (ring) made of wheat-dough (cf.śat. Br. V.2.1.6 gaudhūmam caṣālam bhavati) represents Heaven. This is clear from the rite of ascending to the caṣālamade of wheat-dough, in the Vajapeya sacrifice. The sarificer ascends to it with the help of a ladder (niśrayaṇī); and, while doing so, calls upon his wife, ‘Wife, come; let us ascend to Heaven’.  As soon as he ascends and touches the caṣāla, he utters,  ‘We have reached Heavven, O gods’ (ib., 12). According to Sāyaṇa on the Taiit.Sam. I.7.9.1, the sacrificer stretches his hands upwards when he reaches the  caṣāla and says, ‘We have reached the gods that stay in heaven’ (udgṛhītābhyām bāhubhyām). Even out of the context of the Vajapeya, when the yūpa is erected (say in the Paśubandha), it is addressed, ‘For the earth you, for the mid-region you, for heaven you (do we hoist you)’ (Taitt. Sam. I.3.6.1-3; cf. śat. Br. III.7.1.5-6). The chiselled portion of the  yūpa is above the earth. So, from the earth to heaven, through the mid-region the yūpa represents the three-regions. The un-chiselled portion of the yūpa is fixed in the pit (avaṭa) and the avaṭa, which represents the subterranean regions, is the region of the ancestors (ib.4).The yūpa, thus, is the axis mundi…Then, it gave rise to various myths, one of them being that of the stūpa of Varuṇa, developing further into Aśvattha tree, which is nothing but a symbol of a tree standing with roots in the sun conceived as the horse (aśva-stha = aśvattha), a symbol obtaining at varius places in the Hindu tradition. It further developed into the myth of the churning staff of the mountain (Amṛta-manthana); and yet further, into the myth of Vasu Uparicara, whom Indra is said to have given his yaṣṭi (Mb.Adi. 6y3.12-19). This myth of the yaṣṭi was perpetuated in the ritual of the Indra-dhvaja in the secular practice (Brhatsamhita, Chapter XLII), while in the s’rauta practice the original concept of the axis mundi was transformed into the yūpa that reached all regions, including the under-earth. There is another important angle to the yūpa. As the axis mundi it stands erect to the east of the Uttaravedi and indicates the upward move to heaven. This position is unique. If one takes into account the position of the Gārhapatya and the āhavaniya fireplaces, it gets clear that the march is from the earth to heaven; because, the Gārhapatya is associated with this earth and it is the household fire (cf. gṛhā vai gārhapatyah, a very common saying in the ritual texts), and the seat of the sacrificer’s wife is just near it, along with the wives of the gods, conceptually. From this fire a portion is led to the east, in the quarter of the rising sun (which is in tune with such expressions as prāñcam yajñam pra nayatā sahāyah, RV X.101.2); where the Ahavaniya fireplace is structured. As the offerings for the gods are cast in the Ahavaniya, this fire is the very gate of heaven. And, here stands, the yūpa to its east taking a rise heavenwards. This is, by far, the upward rise. But, on the horizontal plane, the yūpa is posted half-inside, half-outside the altar. The reason is, that thereby it controls the sacred region and also the secular, i.e. both heaven and earth, a belief attested by the ritual texts. (Tait. Sam. VI.6.4.1; Mait. Sam. III.9.4).”(Dange, SA, 2002, Gleanings from Vedic to Puranic age, New Delhi, Aryan Books International, pp. 20-24).

The Sukta RV X.101 reads, explaining the entire yajña as a metaphor of golden-tinted soma poured into a wooden bowl, a smelting process yielding weapons of war and transport and implements of daily life:


10.101.01 Awake, friends, being all agreed; many in number, abiding in  one dwelling, kindle Agni. I invoke you, Dadhikra, Agni, and the divine Us.as, who are associated with Indra, for our protection. [In one dwelling: lit., in one nest; in one hall].
10.101.02 Construct exhilarating (hymns), spread forth praises, construct the ship which is propelled by oars, prepare your weapons, make ready, lead forth, O friends, the herald, the adorable (Agni).
10.101.03 Harness the ploughs, fit on the yokes, now that the womb of earth is ready, sow the seed therein, and through our praise may there be abundant food; may (the grain) fall ripe towards the sickle. [Through our praise: sow the seed with praise, with a prayer of the Veda; s’rus.t.i = rice and other different kinds of food].
10.101.04 The wise (priests) harness the ploughs, they lay the yokes apart, firmly devoted through the desire of happiness. [Happiness: sumnaya_ =  to give pleasure to the gods].
10.101.05 Set up the cattle-troughs, bind the straps to it; let us pour out (the water of) the well, which is full of water, fit to be poured out, and not easily exhausted.
10.101.06 I pour out (the water of) the well, whose cattle troughs are prepared, well fitted with straps, fit to be poured out, full of water, inexhaustible.
10.101.07 Satisfy the horses, accomplish the good work (of ploughing), equip a car laden with good fortune, pour out (the water of) the well, having wooden cattle-troughs having a stone rim, having a receptable like armour, fit for the drinking of men.
10.101.08 Construct the cow-stall, for that is the drinking place of your leaders (the gods), fabricate armour, manifold and ample; make cities of metal and impregnable; let not the ladle leak, make it strong.
10.101.09 I attract, O gods, for my protection, your adorable, divine mine, which is deserving of sacrifice and worship here; may it milk forth for us, like a large cow with milk, giving a thousand strreams, (having eaten) fodder and returned.
10.101.10 Pour out the golden-tinted Soma into the bowl of the wooden cup, fabricate it with the stone axes, gird it with ten bands, harness the beast of burden to the two poles (of the cart).
10.101.11 The beast of burden pressed with the two cart-poles, moves as if on the womb of sacrifice having two wives. Place the chariot in the wood, without digging store up the Soma.
10.101.12 Indra, you leaders, is the giver of happiness; excite the giver of happiness, stimulate him, sport with him for the acquisition of food, bring down here, O priests, Indra, the son of Nis.t.igri_, to drink the Soma. [Nis.t.igri_ = a name of Aditi: nis.t.im ditim svasapatni_m girati_ti nis.t.igri_raditih].

S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center December 28, 2015


bāriā ‘wild boar’, baṟea ‘merchant’, baḍhoe ‘worker in wood and iron’

December 28, 2015

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/oeq3t5x

This note is a corrigendu m to https://kalyan98.wordpress.com/2015/12/28/ancient-coins-of-eran-vidisha-with-indus-script-hieroglyphs-of-metalwork/ A serious error in this blogpost is corrected by this corrigendum.

The erroneous identification of varāhá as a rhinoceros is regretted. The monumental sculpture in Eraka (Eran) is that of a wild boar with two tusks. One tusk carries Bhudevi who is ligatured to the statue. The rebus reading of the hieroglyph is: bāriā ‘wild boar’ Rebus: baṟea ‘merchant’, baḍhoe ‘worker in wood and iron’.

Burle LeRue with his Blond Archery Boar

In a series of articles, KD Bajpai’s Indian Numismatic Studies (Abhinav Publications, 1976) provides cultural and historical insights into the ancient coins of India.


नि-° गम the root (as the source from which a word comes ; hence ifc. ” derived from “) (Nir.) the वेद or the Vedic text Hariv. Pa1n2. Pur. &c any work auxiliary to and explanatory of the वेदs Mn. iv , 19 ( Kull.  a sacred precept , the words of a god or holy man MBh. Pur. doctrine , instruction in , art of (comp.) Ba1lar.&c m. insertion (esp. of the name of a deity into a liturgical formula) S3rS. the place or passage (esp. of the वेदs) where a word occurs or the actual word quoted from such a passage Nir

nigamayeTraders’ Guild Coin – Nigama (2nd century BC), Copper, 1.29 g, Brahmi legend written in circular fashion, Nigamaye (of Nigam). The other side has a motif similar to capital U. The U hieroglyph on the reverse is a crucible: kuThara ‘crucible’ rebus: kuThAru ‘armourer’ koThAr ‘warehouse’.

negamaNegama (Brahmi reverse) on a Taxila coin; dojake (Kharoshthi) obverse. (Dojaka may be the name of a city in the Taxila region).

One meaning of the word nigama is: the place where the passage from Veda occurs. It is possible that the semantics of nigama as a market or merchant guild are relatable to this vedic inference as the production of metalwork from a yajna, treating the yajna as a smelting process of metals, bahusuvarNaka, metals of many colours.

“Some Taxila coins bear the legend Pancanakame (Alan, CCBM, pp. 214-19, Pl. XXXi and XXXiv). The legend shows that the coins were either the issues of a joint body of five nigamas or of a guild called pancanigama. Further, it indicates that there existed, in the Gandhara region during the third-second centuries BCE, several guilds of traders who were authorised to issue coins bearing their particular names. The nigama or negama series of Taxila coins refer to Ralimasa which, like Dojaka, Dosanasa and Hiranasama, has been differently interpreted. DR Bhandarkar is inclined to take it as the name of a city.”(Paramanand Gupta, 1989, Geography from Ancient Indian Coins & Seals, Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, p.147} 

“The word negamA (Skt. NaigamAh) here should be taken to mean ‘the s’reNis or corporations of merchants’. The Taxila negamA coins bear several other words: Dojaka, AtakatakA, Ralimasa, Kadare etc. I think that these terms refer to the merchants’ localities where the respective coins were minted.” (KD Bajpai, 2004, Indian Numismatic Studies, Delhi, Abhinav Publications, p.2)

“The excavations at Ujjain, Vidisha, Eran and Tripuri have brought to light very few silver punch-marked coins. On the other hand, the number of copper punch-marked coins is pretty large. Period IIB of Eran has yielded, apart from stray early coins, a hoard of 3268 punch-marked coins assignable to the period 2nd-1st cent. BCE…It is interesting to note that in the case of Vidisha and Eran janapada coins, the earliest method of preparation was the punch-marking device.”(KD Bajpai, opcit., p.15)

नि-° गम a town , city , market-place A1past. Car.  a caravan or company of merchants (ifc. f(आ).) R. Das3. Lalit. trade , traffic W. 

varāhá — , varāˊhu — m. ʻ wild boar ʼ RV.Pa. Pk. varāha — m. ʻ boar ʼ; A. B. barā ʻ boar ʼ (A. also ʻ sow, pig ʼ), Or. barāha, (Sambhalpur) barhā, (other dial.) bā̆rihā, bāriā, H. bā̆rāh m., Si. varā. (CDIAL 11325) Rebus: baṟea ‘merchant’, baḍhoe ‘worker in wood and iron’.

The word also refers to a gold coin with the hieroglyph of a wild boar. வராகன்¹ varākaṉ, n. < Varāha. 1. Viṣṇu, in His boar-incarnation; வராகரூபியான திருமால். (பிங்.) 2. Pagoda, a gold coin = 3½ rupees, as bearing the image of a boar; மூன்றரை ரூபாய் மதிப்�ுள்ளதும் பன்றிமுத்திரை கொண்டதுமான ஒரு வகைப் பொன்நாணயம். (அரு. நி.)

S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center, December 28, 2015

Ancient coins of Eran, Vidisha with Indus Script hieroglyphs of metalwork

December 28, 2015

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/jthc7d4

Eran-Vidisha AE 1/2 karshapana, Hastideva, four punch type
Weight: 4.89 gm., Dimensions: 18×14 mm.
Railed tree on left and taurine fixed in open railing on right; river at the bottom;
upside down legend punch at the top reading hathidevasa
Blank reverse
Reference: K.B. Tiwari 1981: 41 / Pieper 490 (plate coin)

Eran-Vidisha AE 1/2 karshapana, Narayanamitra, five punch type
Weight:  5.02 gm., Dimensions: 20×17 mm.
Railed Indradhvaja in centre; elephant on right; taurine fixed in open railing on left
river at the bottom and legend punch on top reading rajno narayanamitasa
Blank reverse
Reference: S. Tiwari collection, p.182, type 1 / Pieper 488 (plate coin)

ran-Vidisha AE 1/2 karshapana, Damabhadra, four punch type
Weight:  3.85 gm., Dimensions: 17×16 mm.
Double orbed ‘Ujjain symbol’ on left and railed tree on right; river at the bottom;
legend punch on top reading damabhadasa
Damaru symbol flanked by two svastikas
Reference: Pieper 491 (plate coin)

eran satakarni

Eran-Vidisha, AE 3/8 karshapana,  Satakarni, five punch type
Weight:  3.64 gm., Dimensions: 20×17 mm.
From left to right elephant, ‘Ujjain symbol’ with crescent and railed Indradhvaja;
river at the bottom; legend punch on top reading siri satakanisa
Blank reverse
Reference:  S. Tiwari collection, p.199/ Pieper 493 (plate coin)

Bhagila, AE 3/8 karshapana,  four punch ‘bull type”
Weight:  3.11 gm., Dimensions: 19×19 mm.
Bull on the left, railed tree on right; river at the bottom; legend punch at the top
reading bhagilaya which is followed by a lotus flower.
Blank reverse
Reference:  S. Tiwari collection, p.161, type 1,var.2 / Pieper 495 (plate coin)

Bhagila, AE 3/4 karshapana,  four punch ‘bull type’
Weight:  6.88 gm., Dimensions: 22×21 mm.
Bull on the left, railed tree on right; river at the bottom; legend punch at the top
reading bhagilaya which is followed by a lotus flower.
Blank reverse
Reference:  S. Tiwari collection, p.161, type 1,var.2 / Pankaj Tandon collection


Bhagila, 1/2 AE karshapana,  four punch ‘cobra type’
Weight:  4.67 gm., Dimensions: 20×19 mm.
Cobra snake on the left and railed tree on the right; river at the bottom; on the top
is a legend punch reading upside-down bhagilaya followed by a lotus flower.
Blank reverse
Reference: S. Tiwari collection, p.163, type II, var.2 / Pieper 496 (plate coin)

Bhagila, AE 1/2 karshapana,  four punch ‘cobra type’
Weight:  5.03 gm., Dimensions: 21×21 mm.
Cobra snake on the left and railed tree on the right; river at the bottom; on the top
is a legend punch reading upside-down bhagilaya followed by a lotus flower.
Blank reverse
Reference: S. Tiwari collection, p.163, type II, var.2 / Pankaj Tandon collection

Kurara, die-struck AE
Weight:  1.90 gm., Dimensions: 13×13 mm.
‘Ujjain symbol’ with nandipdada on one of its orbs on left;, railed tree on right;
Brahmi legend on top reading kuraraya
Blank reverse
Reference:  S. Tiwari collection, p.172, class II / Pieper 500 (plate coin)

Kurara, die-struck AE
Weight:  0.98 gm., Dimensions: 11×10 mm.
Railed tree on left and Indradhvaja on right; Brahmi legend on top reading kuraraya
Srivatsa-on-railing on reverse.
Reference: / Pieper 501 (plate coin)

vidisha wheel

Vidisha, die-struck AE, wheel type
Weight:  1.18 gm., Dimensions: 13 mm.
Obv.: Eight-spoked wheel
Rev.: Brahmi legend reading vedisa
Reference: Pieper collection

Vidisha, die-struck AE, hill type
Weight: ?., Dimensions: ? (weight and dimensions not stated by the auctioneers)
Three-arched hill with crescent on top; Brahmi legend below reading vedisa(sa)
Blank reverse
Reference:  The photo of this coin is taken from Bhargava auction 8, coin 32

Vidisha, die-struck AE, uniface ‘legend, tree and hill’ type
Weight: 9.36 gm, Dimensions: ? (dimensions not stated by the auctioneers)
Obv: Centrally placed Brahmi legend (ve)disasa; railed tree at top; three-arched hill at the bottom.
Rev: Blank
Reference:  Dilip Rajgor & Shankar Tiwari, ONS-NL 125 (1990), p.6, type 1
Photo from Classical Numismatic Gallery, auction 18, lot 7

Malwa, clay sealing
Weight:  4.48 gm., Dimensions: 20×15 mm.
Railed yupa (sacrificial post) with side decorations and a Brahmi legend below reading khadasa
Reference: Pieper collection “Thanks to Shailendra Bhandare for the correct reading. According to Bhandare the legend refers to the worship of Skanda; similar objects pertaining to the Skanda cult have been reported from regions of Malwa, Vidarbha and the Deccan.”


Indus Script hieroglyphs on Eran_Vidhisha coins deciphered:

yupa Skambha as mEDha ‘pillar, stake’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic) dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ kadasa kanda? rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’ Thus, fire-altar for cast copper/iron.

bhagila text: rebus: गर्भगळीत, गर्भगिळीत, गर्भगीळ (p. 225) [ garbhagaḷīta, garbhagiḷīta, garbhagīḷa ] a (गर्भ & गळणें) That has dropped or cast the womb. भागी (p. 607) [ bhāgī ] c भागीदार or भागीलदार c A partner, an associate in a joint concern. 2 A sharer or partaker; a shareholder.

DAng ‘hill range’ rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ PLUS kuThara ‘crucible’ rebus: kuThAru ‘armourer’

Vedi in Vedisa: vedi ‘fire-altar’ rebus: vetai ‘alchemy, transmutation of base metals into precious metals’ vedha ‘pierced hole’ rebus: vedi ‘fire-altar’ वेदिका f. a sacrificial ground , altar VarBr2S

kulyA ‘hood of snake’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ kolle ‘blacksmith’ kolhe ‘smelter’ nAga ‘snake’ rebus: nAga ‘lead (ore)’.eraka ‘knave of wheel’ rebus: eraka ‘moltencast, copper’

poLa ‘zebu’ rebus: poLa ‘magnetite ore’

tAmarasa ‘lotus’ rebus: tAmra ‘copper’

kANDa ‘water’ rebus: khaNDa ‘metal implements’

gaNDa ‘four’ rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’ (see Ujjain symbol)

kariba ‘elephant trunk’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: karb ‘iron’ ib ‘iron’ kanga ‘brazier’ sangaDa ‘brazier’ rebus: kanka ‘gold’ karNI ‘supercargo’

kuTi ‘tree’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’ kuThara ‘crucible’ rebus: kuThAru ‘armourer’ koThAri ‘warehouse’ dhAv ‘strand of rope’ rebus: dhAtu ‘ore’ kandit ‘bead’ rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’.

S. Kalyanaraman

Sarasvati Research Center December 28, 2015

Erakina boar, eraka are Indus Script metalwork signifiers

December 27, 2015

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nf2fuxg

“The ancient name of Eran, Erakina (as mentioned in the Sanchi inscriptions), Airikina (as mentioned in the inscription of Samudragupta) or Erikina (as mentioned in the inscription of Toramana) is derived from Eraka.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eran

Residents of Eran had made some gifts to the famous stupa situated at Sanchi.

The colossal varaha statue of Eraka or Erikina is 11 ft. 5 in. high and 14 ft. long, with an inscription in Samskritam. The varaha is an Indus Script rhinoceros hieroglyph: kANDa ‘rhinoceros’ rebus: khaNDa ‘metal implements’.

Hepthalite confederation from Tokharistan, Turushka who spoke eastern Iranian language of Hindu Kush (408-670) “Inscription on the neck of the boar – written in 8 lines in Sanskrit in Brahmi script – dated in the first reign of Toramana – The object of the inscription is to record the building of the temple in which the current Varaha image stands, by Dhanyavishnu, the younger brother of the deceased Maharaja Matrivishnu, same person who erected the above pillar.” Toramana=Mihirakula was a father-son duo renowned for sun worship (derived from Middle Iranian Mihr),  Huna who moved from the Punjab to Central India.

“At the height of its power in the first half of the 6th century, the Hephthalite (Huna) Empire controlled territory in present-day Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan,Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, India andChina.”

Harappa tablet kuTi ‘tree’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’.

Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  five punch ‘symbol type’
Weight:  5.35 gm., Dimensions: 20×19 mm.
‘Ujjain symbol’, Indradhvaja, railed tree, river.
Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 482 (plate coin) http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran1.html

Eran-Vidisha, 300-200 BCE, Copper, 8.63g, 4 symbols type http://www.worldofcoins.eu/forum/index.php?topic=30019.0

Eran-Vidisha, 200 BCE, Copper (2), 1.98g & 2.43g, Swastika with Taurine armswww.coinnetwork.com


“Vidisha, Sanchi and Udayagiri complex, together with Dhar, Mandu and Eran, all in Madhya Pradesh, have yielded ancient metallic objects (exemplified by the Delhi iron pillar)…”  http://www.harekrsna.com/sun/features/12-14/features3372.htm

Indus script hieroglyphs: karaDi ‘safflower’ rebus: karaDa ‘hard alloy’; poLa ‘zebu’ rebus: poLa ‘magnetite’; jasta ‘svastika’ rebus: sattva ‘zinc, spelter’ kariba ‘trunk of elephant’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: karb ‘iron’ ib ‘iron’; kuTi ‘tree’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’ sangaDa ‘brazier, standard device’ rebus: sangaTas ‘collection of implemnts’ dhAV ‘ strand of rope, dotted circle’ rebus: dhavaD ‘smelter’; dhAtu ‘mineral ore’; kANDa ‘water’ rebus: khaNDa ‘implements’. Infixed within the ‘standard device’ is a ‘twist’ hieroglyph: meDha ‘twist’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

Billon drachm of the Indo-Hephthalite King Napki Malka(Afghanistan/ Gandhara, c. 475–576). Obverse shows a fire altar with a spoked wheel on the left kanda ‘fire-altar’ eraka ‘knave of wheel’ rebus: eraka ‘moltencast, copper’. Eraka! this is the source for the name of Erakina. Eraka is also the appellation of Subrahmanya in Swamimalai, a place renowned for cire perdue castings of pancaloha murti-s and utsava bera-s. Eraka is an emphatic semantic indicator of copper metalwork and metalcastings.

We have been that a Mihirakula coin showed a fire-altar. Toramana’s coins are also found in plenty in Kashmir. (J F Fleet, Coins and history of Toramana, IA,1889 26.) See:  “Notes on the Yuezhi – Kushan Relationship and Kushan Chronology”, by Hans Loeschner. Journal of Oriental Numismatic Society 2008, p.19

Erakina has a fort in ruins attributed to the Dangis who are kshatriya rajput,  in Bundelkhand region, Rajasthanand spread across the states Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana(in Haryana and Panjab they are called kshatriya Jat) , Gujarat, Uttrakhand, Maharashtra,Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Punjab, and Nepal. Dangi is a dialect of Braj Bhasha.

Eran was a coin-minting centre. Semi-circle on Eran coins may have signified a crucible: kuThAra ‘crucible’ Rebus: kuThAri ‘warehouse keeper’ kuThAru ‘armourer’.

Eran was on the Bharruch (Bhragu Kachha), Ujjain to Kaushambi, Mathura, Taxishila trade route.

“Some coins from Eran bear the figure of goddess Lakshmi, other show animals (horse and elephant), tree within- railing and various other symbols, such as swastika, triratna, Indradhwaja, dharmachakra, lotus, Ujjain symbol, river with fishes semi-circle design, crescent, cakra, bull, sadarcakra, hill, taurine and the vajra symbol, river with fish and the cross and ball symbol…The excavation at Eran have yielded a hoard of 3,268 coins in which most of the coins are made by copper and some of theme were silver coated. These belong to 2nd century BCE…The number of copper punch-marked coins was found to be much larger than the silver punch-marked coins. Most remarkable among the die-struck coins were the square karsapanas of a standard weight of 144 grains and their several denominations. 24 coins of these occur on the tribal coins of weight of most of the coins varies from 17.45 grains to 24.43 grains. Punch-marked coins belong to about 300 BC, if not a little earlier. The latest phase of the copper punch-marked coins at Eran comes to a close by the end of the 3rd century AD, as revealed from the excavation. Coins of the Kshatrapas, satavahana and Nagas, Gupta king Ramagupta, Huna rular Tormana and of the Indo-Sassanian rulershave been found. The Naga coins found at Eran, Vidhisha, pawaya (padmawati), and Mathura show various common features. The names of rulers occurring on these coins are to be carefully studied and compared in order to arrive at a correct attribution and chronology of the Nagas…Dr. Mohan Lal Chadhar acquired 460 punch marked coins in a small earthen pot. These coins are made of silver, copper, tin and bronze alloy metal and are approximately 2300 years old (i.e. 3rd century BC).These coins contain elephant, Sun, Sadara Cakra, Taurine, Tortoise, point in circle, Tree on platform, swastika, ox, hill, fish, Twin snake, Vajra and Ujjain symbol. On these coins the obverse side mainly consists of five signs and the reverse side one or two signs. The most common symbol on reverse is Swastika. Sun, sadara cakra, Fish symbols are displayed on obverse side. ”  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eran  (Bajpai, Krishnadutta D. (1996). Indian Numismatic Studies. New Delhi. Dr. Mohan Lal Chadhar, Mekal Insights, Journal of Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak, Vol. II No.01,January 2010. P,94)

File:Vishnu Varaha Statue Eran.JPG

Varaha in front of Vishnu Temple at Eran, Madhya Pradsh

Mandapa of the Vishnu Temple at Eran

S. Kalyanaraman

Sarasvati Research Center

December 27, 2015

Swacch Bharat campaign of 1863 by Nightingale

December 27, 2015

The Swachh Bharat campaign of 1863

Photo: Illustrated London News/Hulton Archive/Getty Images


27 December 2015

Cleaning up India may seem a herculean task, but a celebrated nurse in 19th-century London had some useful pointers on how to get it done

On 29 June 1877, as much of south and south-western India were being ravaged by a terrible famine that would ultimately kill millions, a letter to the editor was published in The Illustrated London News.
The letter talked about the situation of irrigation in the Madras Presidency in great detail.
“… first let us observe that there are four districts at this time which ought to have been like the other 12, overwhelmed by this terrible calamity, but three of which are not only free from famine themselves, but are in the highest state of prosperity, having a large surplus to supply the other districts; and the fourth, though not entirely relieved from famine, yet has a very considerable supply of grain.”
The reason for this, the letter writer said, were government irrigation works. “The three districts, Tanjore, Godavari and Kistnah, instead of adding five millions more to starve, are pouring into the starving districts hundreds of thousands of tonnes of food.”
The letter went on to outline the situation of irrigation in this region of India, with detailed measurements of the lengths of canals, the value of agricultural produce and the urgent need for better and more public expenditure. Expenditure that would have saved lives.
“Had half a million more acres been irrigated in each of these districts, and had they been put in effective communication with the rest of India by steam boat canals… the famine would have been nothing comparatively.”
There are two things remarkable about this letter to The Illustrated London News, besides the fact that it deals with issues of irrigation and food supply that are still germane a century and a half later.
The first is that it was written by a woman who had never travelled to India in her life. The second thing is that this woman—who effortlessly quotes statistics about Kurnool district—was Florence Nightingale.
For most of the last five decades of her life—she died in London in August 1910—Nightingale was fixated with the problem of sanitation and irrigation in India.
But then, Nightingale was a remarkable woman with several obsessions—statistics, spirituality, poverty—and a tremendous capacity for work, thought and writing.
Nightingale is perhaps most widely remembered as a pioneer of the nursing profession in general, and for her efforts during the Crimean War in particular.
Some months after Britain declared war on Russia in March 1854, journalist William Howard Russell sent despatches to London deploring the condition of wounded soldiers and lack of trained nursing staff. Under mounting public pressure, Sidney Herbert, the secretary of state for war, asked Nightingale, already well known as a teacher and organizer of nurses, to assemble a team and set sail as soon as possible.
Within the month, Nightingale landed in Scutari, across the Bosphorus from Istanbul, with a team of 38 nurses. She then proceeded to assert herself on affairs through a combination of overbearing authority, discipline, a tendency to bulldoze through opposition and ruthless use of her powerful contacts in London. She was not, by most accounts, anything like the delicate healing angel with the lamp.
By the end of the war, Nightingale was something of a national hero. She sailed back in 1856 and when she arrived, her entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography says, she was “emaciated and tense, and weighed down with the burden she felt had been placed on her, she realized that if such suffering were never to happen again, the Army Medical Service, and, if necessary, the army itself, must be reformed”.
“Nightingale’s efforts,” I. Bernard Cohen wrote in a seminal 1984Scientific American profile, “were not in vain. Four subcommissions were established… The first presided over physical alterations to military barracks and hospitals: improvements in ventilation, heating, sewage disposal, water supply and kitchens. Other subcommissions drafted a sanitary code for the army, established a military medical school and reorganised the army’s procedures for gathering medical statistics.”
In 1858, Nightingale turned her gaze to the state of the British Army in India. Reports had emerged of the appalling conditions of troops who suffered from a death rate six times higher than those of civilians in England.
Through 1858 and 1859, Nightingale used her considerable influence in London’s circles of power to lobby the government into establishing a royal commission on the sanitary state of the army in India. This was, so to speak, a classic Nightingale move—she harangued the government into setting up a commission, which she then browbeat into action with relentless campaigning, statistics and her signature abrasive vigour.
To get a concrete sense of the situation in the colony, Nightingale sent out, with the commission’s blessings, 200 questionnaires on health and sanitation to each British station in India. It is testament to her tenacity that these forms were all filled in by three officers per station—commanding, engineering and medical—and found their way back to her in London.
Nightingale meticulously compiled all this data, augmented it with oral submissions from soldiers stationed in India, and then published a report in 1863. It was titled, with typical Victorian efficiency,Observations on the Evidence Contained in the Station Reports Submitted to Her by the Royal Commission of the Sanitary State of the Army in India by Florence Nightingale.
Nightingale later wrote, with more than a passing sense of self-congratulation, that “it was truly said that such a complete picture of life in India, both British and native, is contained in no other book in existence”.
The report made Nightingale an authority on matters Indian. So much so that for some four decades afterwards, every freshly appointed Indian viceroy visited Nightingale at least once before sailing to India. Some of this encyclopaedic knowledge comes across in many of her writings, including that letter to The Illustrated London News.
The British government, however, was less than pleased with Nightingale’s meticulous analysis. While they did not censor it outright, efforts were made to ensure that her observations reached as few people as possible. When the government refused to publish copies, Nightingale printed and circulated them at her own expense.
The one statistic that emerged from these studies, and outraged the British public, was that 69 per 1,000 troops serving in India died each year. In an 1863 paper titled How People May Live and Not Die in India, published shortly after the Observations to great acclaim, Nightingale calculated that the British Army lost approximately 5,037 men a year.
Nightingale’s approach to assuaging this expensive and appalling loss of life appears to have been twofold. She used both scientific arguments and cultural ones.
In her Observations, she outlined five main reasons why British stations in India were so deadly—bad water, bad drainage, filthy bazaars, want of ventilation and surface overcrowding in barrack huts and sick wards.
In How People May Live and Not Die in India, on the other hand, Nightingale pointed her finger at the blissful British ignorance of life and conditions out in the empire. Why is the death rate so much higher in India than in Britain?
“I am afraid the reply must be that British civilisation is insular and local, and that it takes small account of how the world goes on out of its own island. There is a certain aptitude amongst other nations which enables them to adapt themselves, more or less, to foreign climates and countries. But, wherever you place your Briton, you may feel quite satisfied that he will care nothing about climates.”
It is a scathing rebuke delivered in a tone that appears frequently in Nightingale’s condemnation of British policy in India.
The Observations go into great detail about the problems with stations and towns in India. Nightingale realized something peculiar about the situation of the British Army in India. While in Britain, soldiers in barracks tended to be less healthy than the residents of surrounding towns; in India, the situation was reversed. British soldiers were dying in large numbers, but they were still much healthier than the natives who lived in the squalid towns and cities.
Agra’s water, Nightingale found, is “laxative” and “apt to disagree at first”. In Bangalore, the barracks drew their drinking water from Ulsoor tank, the same tank into which the local bazaar and the barracks themselves released most of their drainage.
“Madras and Wellington are literally the only stations where anything like lavatories and baths, with proper laying on of water and proper draining it off, is known, either in barrack or hospital.”
Nightingale’s report not only had numerous such observations, but also woodcut illustrations of water carriers, scavengers and the architectural designs of barrack buildings. All these, again, commissioned at the author’s expense.
She summarized that India needed immediate sanitary reform. Every single town, she said, needed water supply, draining, paving, cleansing and “healthy plans for arranging and constructing buildings”.
So far so good. By this point, the government in India and London realized Nightingale was going to be a problem. In India, the army wasn’t particularly keen on letting a nurse design their barracks for them. In London, there was increasingly little appetite for social spending in India.
But Nightingale wasn’t one to shrink away from a challenge. Over the next decade, she built a rapport with several local administrators in India and constantly pushed them to carry out reforms outlined in her reports and papers.
Viceroy by viceroy, medical by medical officer, Nightingale egged on sanitary reforms.
Ten years later, at the 1873 meeting of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Sciences in Norwich, Nightingale presented a paper titled Life or Death in India.
She announced that in the space of that decade, the death rate among British soldiers in India had dropped from 69 per 1,000 to around 18 per 1,000. This was good news, but she had a word of caution. “For it must not be assumed that the work of improvement is done. Far from it. The general result only indicates progress towards realisation, not realisation.”
She picked the work done in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras to highlight this story of good but incomplete reform. Ten years earlier, she said, “Bombay had… a better water supply, but no drainage. Calcutta was being drained but had no water supply. Madras had neither.”
But now, she wrote, Calcutta had its water supply complete. “All castes, use it: and find, indeed, the fabled virtues of the Ganges in the pure water tap.” Improving Calcutta’s drainage was considered a hopeless venture, Nightingale wrote, but great work had been done. “Many miles of ditches have been filled up, to the great detriment of mosquitoes and great comfort of the inhabitants.”
Thus the number of deaths from cholera in Calcutta had dropped from 7,000 in 1866 to 800 in 1871. “Calcutta in 1871 was more salubrious than Manchester or Liverpool, and may be considered soon a sanitarium compared with Vienna, or even with Berlin where the city canals are still fouled with sewage.”
What about Bombay? Nightingale’s measure of the city rings true to this day. “Bombay has for years done everything to drain itself, except doing it… it has had surveys, plans, reports, paper and print enough to drain all India—writing and talking enough for a thousand years. The only thing it has not done is to do it.”
And Madras?
“Madras has obtained a water supply, and has just improved it, and is applying part of her sewage to agriculture with success. In other respects she appears to be pretty much as she was, with her filthy Cooum estuary, and her foul, undrained area.”
Some of the most striking results in the paper has to do with prison populations. In Cuddalore, Madura, Rajahmundry and Vellore, prisoners in new jails, or old jails with improved sanitation, all survived cholera epidemics better than local residents who lived outside the jail.
In some cases, every single prisoner survived. Even the foulest village with the worst death rates showed tremendous improvements when “wells were dug and properly protected; surface drainage was improved, rigid cleanliness enforced, trees planted…”
Nightingale goes on to make several important observations about sanitation reform in India. For instance, she wrote, government responses should be two-pronged. The government can spend, but it must also “let the people only see how much they can do for themselves in improving their surface drainage, in keeping their water supply free from pollution, in cleansing inside and out”.
Additionally, while initiatives can be driven by the central government, it must “at the same time insist on the municipalities and local authorities prosecuting the good work”.
Also key were good data and a reporting system, and trust between citizens and institutions that worked on public health.
And if these reforms are expensive, Nightingale wrote, then by all means raise taxes. “There is never any ‘discontent’ about this. What they do not like is paying the tax and receiving no water: and in this they are not so far wrong.”
The first 10 years were a qualified success. There was little doubt that money spent shrewdly saved British and native lives. This work had to be continued, Nightingale wrote. “Thus it will be rendered not only an easy matter to hold the great Indian Empire by a British force, but benefits untold will be conferred on the vast populations of our fellow subjects of whom we have undertaken the charge.”
Nightingale wrote this in 1873, at a time when her influence over India and policy in the country was, perhaps, at its pugnacious peak. By the early 1900s, it began to wane, and viceroys no longer deemed it necessary to seek her wisdom before they sailed for India.
And even if the India Office still sent her copies of papers and reports that had to do with sanitation, Nightingale slowly lost her ability to influence administrators and city managers in India with her letters, reports and statistics. Besides, the appetite for large spending on famine and irrigation reform in India was drying up in London
Before she died in 1910, according to one biographer, Nightingale asked that all her papers pertaining to India be preserved. She considered it some of her most important work.
Glancing through these documents and reports, it is remarkable to see how Florence Nightingale pinpointed the challenges with bringing sanitation and irrigation reforms to such a large and diverse country.
At the time, much more so than today, cleaning up India was seen by many administrators as an impossible task beset by bureaucratic, cultural, geographic, social and meteorological challenges. Nightingale had little time for such excuses. What had to be done, had to be done.
“There is no country in the world for which so much might be done as for India,” she wrote in 1873. “There is not a country in the world for which there is so much hope. Only let us do it.”



Ayutha Chandi Yagam, picture gallery

December 27, 2015

The fire spread from the sacrificial fire.

The fire spread from the sacrificial fire.

Medak: A major fire broke out at one of the pandals of ‘Ayutha Chandi Maha Yagnam’ orgainsed by Chief Minister K. Chandrashekhar Rao in Telangana on Sunday afternoon.

According to the reports there were no casualties and three fire tenders were on the spot dousing the fire.

The fire spread to the roof of the yagashala through the ‘homagundam’ or the sacrificial pit around 1.30 pm.President Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to the yagam was cancelled reportedly due to the incident.

People had turned up in huge number to witness the Chandi yagam on the last day in Erravelli village, all of who vacated the venue in a hurry.
TRS MP B. Suman said that all concluding programmmes will be done as per schedule and insisted that it was not a bad omen. The seers also said that the fire was God’s will, calling for a quick Purnahuti.
The Purnahuti, the ritual that marks the completion of the yagam, will be performed shortly, and will also be attended by the Governor E S L Narasimhan.

In addition to the VIPs, more than 2 lakh people attended the yagnam being conducted by Chief Minister K C Rao.

The five-day yagna is being performed by Rao at his farm house. According to reports, about 2,000 priests from Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are taking part in the mega ‘yagna’.

KCR had invited several prominent leaders from across the country including Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu.

Also read: K Chandrasekhar Rao begins yagam, says it’ll cost Rs 7 crore

 The Telangana CPI(M) unit alleged that the ‘yagam’ being performed by the CM is against the Constitution, as it promotes superstition among people.
Thousands of people from city and other parts of Telangana participated in the first day of the five-day Ayutha Maha Chandi Yagam conducted by Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao at his Erravalli farm in Jadevpur mandal of Medak. (Photo: Facebook)
Thousands of people from city and other parts of Telangana participated in the first day of the five-day Ayutha Maha Chandi Yagam conducted by Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao at his Erravalli farm in Jadevpur mandal of Medak.
The Chief Minister said that the Yagam was personal and being conducted to appease Goddess Chandi following formation of the new state of Telangana and for peace and prosperity of the people of the state besides world peace. (Photo: Facebook)
The Chief Minister said that the Yagam was personal and being conducted to appease Goddess Chandi following formation of the new state of Telangana and for peace and prosperity of the people of the state besides world peace.
KCR said that the total cost of the yagam could be between Rs 6 crore and Rs 7 crore including donations from friends and well-wishers. (Photo: Facebook)
KCR said that the total cost of the yagam could be between Rs 6 crore and Rs 7 crore including donations from friends and well-wishers.
The main yagashala, where 1,500 priests conducted the yagam under the guidance of Sringeri Peetham from 8.30 am onwards in the presence of the Chief Minister, his wife Shobha, family members and other dignitaries, was packed since early morning. (
The main yagashala, where 1,500 priests conducted the yagam under the guidance of Sringeri Peetham from 8.30 am onwards in the presence of the Chief Minister, his wife Shobha, family members and other dignitaries, was packed since early morning.
The five-day 'Ayutha Chandi Maha Yagam', being performed by Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao for people's welfare, began on Wednesday at his farm house in neighbouring Medak district. (Photo: Facebook)
The five-day ‘Ayutha Chandi Maha Yagam’, being performed by Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao for people’s welfare, began on Wednesday at his farm house in neighbouring Medak district.
Earlier this morning, the Chief Minister was accorded a traditional welcome when he arrived there at his farm house. He undertook a circumambulation of the 'yagashala' before performing 'Garu Prarthana' in front of the idol of 'Chandi Matha' marking
Earlier this morning, the Chief Minister was accorded a traditional welcome when he arrived there at his farm house. He undertook a circumambulation of the ‘yagashala’ before performing ‘Garu Prarthana’ in front of the idol of ‘Chandi Matha’ marking the
Massive arrangements have been made for the 'yagam' in the sprawling premises at Rao's farm house at Erravelli village in Medak district. President Pranab Mukherjee would visit the place on December 27. (Photo: Facebook)
Massive arrangements have been made for the ‘yagam’ in the sprawling premises at Rao’s farm house at Erravelli village in Medak district. President Pranab Mukherjee would visit the place on December 27.
About 2,000 priests from Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are taking part in the mega 'yagam' being performed for people's welfare and universal peace. (Photo: Facebook)
About 2,000 priests from Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are taking part in the mega ‘yagam’ being performed for people’s welfare and universal peace.
Governor of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh E S L Narasimhan also took part in the puja. 'Gou puja', 'Maha Mantapa Sthapanam', 'Chandi yantra lekhanam', among others, formed part of the rituals on the first day.
Governor of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh E S L Narasimhan also took part in the puja. ‘Gou puja’, ‘Maha Mantapa Sthapanam’, ‘Chandi yantra lekhanam’, among others, formed part of the rituals on the first day.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu would attend the 'yagam' on December 27.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu would attend the ‘yagam’ on December 27.
Sringeri Mutt pontiff Jagadguru Sri Sri Sri Bharathi Theertha Swamy sent a message wishing that the yagam for be fruitful.
Sringeri Mutt pontiff Jagadguru Sri Sri Sri Bharathi Theertha Swamy sent a message wishing that the yagam for be fruitful.

Ayutha Chandi Yagam, Yagashala puja resumes

December 27, 2015

One day, India, Pak and Bangladesh could reunite as Akhand Bharat: Ram Madhav

December 27, 2015

By: Express News Service | New Delhi | Published:December 27, 2015 5:00 am

ram madhav, RSS, Akhand Bharat, india pakistan bangladesh unity, india pakistan unity, bjp ram madhav, rss akhand bharat, india news, latest newsRam Madhav, BJP National General Secretary (Source: Express file photo by Ravi Kanojia)

BJP general secretary Ram Madhav has, in an interview to Al Jazeera TV, reiterated the traditional RSS line that India, Pakistan and Bangladesh could re-unite through “popular goodwill” to form “Akhand Bharat”.

“The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh still believes that one day these parts, which have for historical reasons separated only 60 years ago, will again, through popular goodwill, come together and Akhand Bharat will be created,” said Madhav, appearing on the programme “Head to Head” — the episode was titled “Is Modi’s India flirting with fascism?”.

“As an RSS member, I also hold on to that view,” he said, adding, “that does not mean we wage war on any country, (or that) we annex any country. Without war, through popular consent, it can happen.”

Madhav’s remarks were broadcast yesterday although the interview was recorded before Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s surprise stopover in Lahore.

Asserting that these are his views as an “RSS member”, he also stated his stand on the Kashmir issue. “The only outstanding issue with regard to the Kashmir problem is the Kashmir under Pakistan occupation… We first free Pakistan occupied Kashmir, then we think of other things,” he said in response to a question.

Speaking to The Sunday Express today, Madhav said: “This interview was recorded on December 7, much before the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Pakistan. It was only broadcast yesterday. To link it to the Prime Minister’s visit is immature. Whatever I had to say about that visit, I have already said yesterday.”

He added that the reference to Akhand Bharat was initiated by the interviewer. “There was a question at the end of the interview about a map that the interviewer said he had seen when he visited the RSS headquarters in Nagpur. So I told him that it is the RSS’s belief that the three countries can unite once again through popular consent. I also told him that if Germany and Vietnam could unite by popular consent, why not us,” said Madhav.

The RSS distanced itself from the interview. “This is a matter of the party, the government. RSS has nothing to do with it,” said RSS all-India prachar pramukh Manmohan Vaidya.

On Friday, Madhav had tweeted that Modi’s visit was a “much needed departure from protocol-driven politics between (the) two countries. Like leaders of other nations in the world like EU, ASEAN and even countries in our neighborhood, leaders of India and Pakistan too needed to inject informality in their relations.”

Stressing the importance of peace with Pakistan, Madhav told the news channel: “As neighbors we have to have good relations, we strive for that… We want peace… We are settling it out.”

Asked about the increasing shelling from across the border, he said: “We are guarding our borders…You have to buy peace with Pakistan. You should tolerate it.”

However, he ruled out the role of Hurriyat in India-Pak relations. “Hurriyat can talk to the J&K government in our common minimum programme. We do not consider Hurriyat as a player in international politics between India and Pakistan.” He said India was willing to work with “democratic” Pakistan but “will not talk to military Pakistan”.

On the issue of growing intolerance in India, Madhav said the return of awards by artists and intellectuals was an attempt to defame the government. “Many more scientists, many more intellectuals have denounced these efforts in the name of award returning. If you have 36 intellectuals returning their awards, 36,000 intellectuals said no, your step is wrong,” he said.

About the repeated threats by several Sangh Parivar members telling people to go to Pakistan, Madhav said: “Our party unequivocally condemns those statements. Nobody needs to leave India.”

He said the RSS “is neither supremacist, nor aggressive, nor dominant. It is for the whole country, for all the people. RSS ideology stands for one India, united India.”

When the interviewer mentioned the nuclear threat between India and Pakistan, Madhav retorted: “You worry about many more things… your ISIS can catch hold of weapons”. As the interviewer asked, “my ISIS?”, Madhav clarified, “your ISIS in the sense (that) ISIS can catch hold of nuclear weapons”.

Insisting that the Indian culture is Hindu culture, he said: “Hindustan is a word that was in vogue for this country much before RSS was born. When we say Hindustan, it’s a land… a country will have one culture which accommodates various streams… we are one culture, one people, one nation.”

When a panelist interrupted him on his insistence on Hindu India, Madhav replied: “You mean to say Mughals were Indians?”

Madhav is arguably the most influential RSS pracharak who joined the BJP after the formation of the Narendra Modi government. He was instrumental in BJP-PDP government formation in J&K, besides playing a crucial role in Modi’s mega events abroad.


Heraldgate. False gandhis and Congi without morality — NS Rajaram

December 27, 2015

Congress, A Cult Without A Moral Compass

Today, no one in the party of Mahatma Gandhi seems outraged by the daylight robbery of Nehru’s legacy by these false Gandhis.

Rajaram NS

Commentary | 26-12-2015

The conduct of the Congressmen during the National Herald court hearings show that they see themselves as servants of the Gandhi family and friends instead of servants of the nation. It is money over morality.

Watergate to Heraldgate

More than 40 years ago (1970s), I was a student in the United States when the Watergate scandal hit the headlines. There were televised hearings of the bipartisan Senate Watergate Committee conducted the investigation. The issue was misuse of power by President Richard Nixon and his staff. The hearings which were conducted in orderly fashion, with no one rushing into the well of the Senate floor to disrupt the proceedings. (This would get them arrested and expelled by the Senate Sargent at Arms and his security guards.)

nixonNixon resigned as President when it became clear that he would be impeached and likely to be ruled guilty of “Obstruction of Justice”, the legal term in the U.S. for trying to misuse position to derail investigation. It is worth noting that Nixon’s Vice President Spiro Agnew had been forced to resign earlier for corruption, something like what Rahul and Sonia Gandhi are facing today.

But what is remarkable is that unlike the Congress Party today, no one within the Republican party, the party of Nixon and Agnew supported them. The iconic figure of the Republican party is Abraham Lincoln, like Mahatma Gandhi for the Congress. Some of the strongest critics of Nixon (and Agnew) were Republican leaders like Senators Howard Baker and Lowell Weicker who were quick to dissociate themselves and their party from the misdeeds of Nixon and Agnew. To them it was a moral issue, and not a partisan one.

Their objection was based on the morality or lack of it in the activities of Nixon—that his conduct was unworthy of the party of Abraham Lincoln. Politics was secondary to morality.

The Congress today—money over morality

The situation  following the National Herald case is the exact reverse of this.  Unlike the Republican leaders following Watergate, no one in the Congress party has noted the immorality of Sonia Gandhi and her family misappropriating the assets of Nehru-founded National Herald. They are going to great lengths to ensure that the court hearing the case was pressured into dropping the case. To this end the Congress has resorted to disrupting the Parliament. So the Congress can be charged with disrupting the legislative branch as well as the functioning of the judiciary—all to allow the Gandhi family to keep its loot.

Let us not forget that some Congress leaders like Renuka Chowdhary defended Robert Vadra also, claiming he was a victim of BJP vendetta.  Even worse was the supposedly honourable and decent Manmohan Singh facilitating the escape of Ottavio Quattrocchi with his loot by defreezing  his bank accounts. In contrast, Indira Gandhi’s then husband, the late Feroze Gandhi risked Nehru’s wrath by exposing the then finance minister T.T. Krishnamachari’s corruption, forcing him to resign.

But today, no one in the party of Mahatma Gandhi seems outraged by the daylight robbery of Nehru’s legacy by these false Gandhis. It is no longer a national party but but a family cult engaged in plundering the country with the support and cooperation of its followers.

Rajaram NS

Dr. N.S. Rajaram is an Indian mathematician, notable for his publications on the Aryan Invasion debate, Indian history, and Christianity. Among his numerous books, the “The Dead Sea scrolls and the crisis of Christianity” is widely acclaimed.


Prayers for victims of 2004 tsunami

December 27, 2015


Sunday, 27 December 2015 | Kumar Chellappan | Chennai |

The tsunami waves which struck the Tamil Nadu coast on December 26, 2004 is believed to have claimed more than 5,000 lives. The giant tidal waves took Indians by surprise and the term itself was strange to people in the country. It is the first time people in India understood the meaning of the word devastation.

Things have changed a lot as the nation, nay the world, observed on Saturday the 11th anniversary of this century’s worst natural disaster which claimed 2.28 lakh lives in 14 countries stretching from Indonesia in the east to Kenya in the African coast. The last decade saw scientists of the Hyderabad based Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services, a research institute under the Union Ministry of Earth Sciences, mastering the science and art of tsunami forecast.

Next time the giant tidal waves hit the Indian coast, chances are that it would return empty handed. “We have mastered the science of forecasting whether there is any possibility of any tsunami waves arising out of earthquakes which occur in Bay of Bengal or Indian Ocean. It is possible for us to determine the possibility of tsunami waves at least two hours in advance,” T Srinivasa Kumar, director, National Tsunami Warning System at INCOIS Hyderabad, told The Pioneer.

The major achievement made by the scientists of INCOIS is that they stand guards   for the countries along the Indian Ocean rim. “All these countries are dependent on the National Tsunami Warning Centre at Hyderabad for tsunami alerts. Our monitoring stations have a 24X7 control room which scans all the oceans and seas in the world. We can issue tsunami warnings within ten minutes of any earthquakes happening in any of these oceans,” said Dr Kumar.

The 2004 tsunami waves took Indians by surprise and the term itself was strange to people in the country. Certain areas were left untouched by the powerful tidal waves. Research proved that those regions were saved because of the thick growth of mangroves. Now, one can see scientists from Asian and African countries making a beeline to Cuddalore based Centre for Advanced Studies in Marine Biology to get expertise in rearing mangroves along coass and estuaries.

The year 2015 saw the Government of Tamil Nadu launching a programme to familiarise residents along the coastal belt about tsunami waves. “The Panchayath Union officials are visiting coastal villages and tell us about tsunami waves which may strike at any time. We have been told to get ready for evacuation once the taunami warning is issued by the authorities,” said Vinayakam, a fisherman of Karikattukuppam, who had a miraculous escape from the 2004 tsunami waves.

But Jaya Payalan, a marine engineer-turned-fisherman activist  who is the president of South Indian Fisherman  Federation said a lot has to be done in creating an awareness among the fishermen and community members. “There is no means to call back the fishers out in the deep sea in the event of tsunami waves. The civil administration has to function with military discipline to save lives and properties. The recent flood is proof that the disaster managers are yet to mature to that standard,” said Palayan.


Women offer prayers at a ceremony for the victims of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami, at Marina Beach in Chennai. (AFP)

2015 Dec. 26

Women offer prayers at a ceremony for the victims of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami, at Marina Beach in Chennai. (AFP)

The fishermen community pay homage at a memorial of tsunami victims in Chennai. (PTI)

The fishermen community pay homage at a memorial of tsunami victims in Chennai. (PTI)

A woman in Chennai cries as she offers prayers to the tsunami victims. (PTI)

A woman in Chennai cries as she offers prayers to the tsunami victims. (PTI)Women leave pots of milk as offerings during a ceremony for the victims of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami, at Marina Beach in Chennai. (AFP)Women leave pots of milk as offerings during a ceremony for the victims of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami, at Marina Beach in Chennai. (AFP)People pour milk into the sea at an event to mark the 11th anniversary of the 2004 tsunami, in Chennai. (PTI)People pour milk into the sea at an event to mark the 11th anniversary of the 2004 tsunami, in Chennai. (PTI)

Jeevema s’aradah s’atam as the Indian Ocean will reunite the Community. Kalyanaraman